Solidarity Selective Waste Collection in Brazil: field of epistemological and social interactions and contribution to a paradigmatic revolution
by Silvia Helena Flamini*, Maria Zanin**, and Liane Biehl Printes***.
Translated and reviewed by Matheus Lucas Hebling
Brazil is deeply characterized by inequality and exclusion of social segments and not only concerning economic conditions or access to fundamental rights such as health, work, and education. Our country, for centuries, has placed citizens on the sidelines of the techno-scientific development processes as well as decision-making socio-political processes. Given this scenario, there was a need to formulate public policies capable of creating opportunities for these excluded social segments. An example, in this regard, is the selective collection of recyclable waste programs that, in partnership with waste pickers, are consolidated in the country as an example of public policy on solid waste, promoting inclusion and social valorization with job and income generation for the formal recycling chain.
Currently, experiments are being developed on the management of recyclable solid waste in federal institutions of higher education in Brazil, considered generators of this waste, which must comply with Federal Decree No. 5.940 of 2006. It is a decree that institutes separation and destination of recyclable solid waste, generated by federal public agencies, to cooperatives or associations of collectors and collectors, a practice known as solidary selective collection, supported by other public policies, such as the National Solid Waste Policy (PNRS – Law No. 12,305 of the year of 2010). This policy was a legal framework of global inspiration, in addition to encouraging action in partnership with these cooperatives, also provides for integrated management considering the political, socioeconomic, environmental, and cultural fields, encouraging Environmental Education, the development of Science and Technology. Thus, both Federal Decree No. 5940/06 and Law No. 12,305/10 bring into prominence aspects that are intertwined and demanded by the theme of solid waste.
In this way, the solidary selective waste collection is configured as a public policy for inclusion, participation, socio-environmental valuation in a link between university and society, in addition to being an instrument to promote the local urban economy. Furthermore, it can also be a proposal for the development of actions in the field of knowledge production, human training, and techno-scientific innovation, since Science and Technology are practically indistinguishable fields that, coexisting with other types of knowledge, permeate the process of socio-environmental construction. Solidarity selective waste collection is, therefore, an area of action that inherently encompasses inter, multi, and transdisciplinarity characterized by a diversity of relationships and objects, bringing at its core the call to propose new perspectives on politics, environment, and society.
Still, on this path, it is a practice that, by demanding a network of actions for its implementation to be composed of different social groups (students, federal servants, and service providers, including partner cooperatives), invites reflection on genuine socio-environmental participation and social control. An exercise for citizenship, the guarantee of rights, and social inclusion is also an opportunity to deepen questions about the current production of knowledge, goods, and services in the mold of capitalism: a pattern that encourages the appropriation of knowledge and results in exclusion and inequality. Therefore, the solidary selective collection is one of the doors that give access to the study and understanding of local socio-environmental problems, while it has the potential to question the cognitive policy adopted by public institutions of higher education in Brazil, to overcome one exclusionary model to another more inclusive based on the public commitment to produce knowledge, goods, and services, aimed at the Brazilian scenario, incorporating values, interests, demands, and perceptions of social groups regarding their realities and inducing a new pragmatism.
However, to become a fruitful space for engagement and social control, an active sociopolitical and scientific position is needed both from the academic and extra-academic community and from the university, in a process that guarantees genuine participation with prominent positions and speaking places in the taking of decision and implementation of actions. Collective construction of scientific-technological knowledge anchored, above all, on collectivity, plurality, and belonging as a synonym for providing quality public service. In this way, solidary selective collection can be the basis for the construction of a cognitive and political platform to be used strategically for the socio-environmental transformation of a given location, contributing to the social reconfiguration and remodeling of human behavior towards the environment and sociological categories, such as education, economy and scientific-technological development, to make them compatible with a socio-environmental and political standard demanded by contemporaneity.
Raising values such as participation, solidarity, and inclusion, linking to a new perspective on such complex socio-environmental issues is a more than necessary condition today. There is also a need to combine techno-scientific development with socio-environmental dimensions since the environment, science, technology, politics, and society are directly and critically interrelated.
Our current time calls for a break from the existing fragmentation in the scientific field and calls for the challenge of practicing the articulation and integration of knowledge, aiming to achieve the emancipation of knowledge while being grounded in more creative and humane ways of producing and disseminating such knowledge. And this also consists of the connection of solidary selective waste collection with the sociopolitical context that marks Brazil: a context that historically lacks positive changes in education, culture, work, and politics. Therefore, the practice shows itself as a possibility to transform paradigms while bringing academia and extra-academic contexts as well as society closer to science and technology; it contributes with the production of new knowledge, with the stimulus to the implementation of institutional programs, with the effective execution of public policies on the solid waste that are more humane and inclusive, slipping into the achievement of fair and egalitarian national levels, thus converging to a paradigmatic revolution.
The Solidarity Selective Collection is, therefore, a fertile ground for social and environmental interactions and the exchange between “popular” and “scientific” in an epistemological effervescence with the potential to foment such a revolution.
–
This text is based on the master’s research entitled “Solidarity Selective Collection Program at the University under the eyes of Science, Technology, and Society” developed in the Graduate Program in Science, Technology, and Society of the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar). In the methodological strategy adopted by the research, the social groups related to the actions of solidary selective collection of UFSCar participated, identifying the peculiarities of the place of study and the analysis of the institutional program, in addition to pointing out unfavorable aspects for the smooth running of programs and favorable for a later elaboration tool for analyzing and monitoring actions, through the presentation of basic sociotechnical artifacts built in communion with social perception and the research findings. This research was funded by the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES) – Financing Code 001.
References
BRASIL. Decreto Lei nº 5940, de 25 de outubro de 2006. Institui a separação dos resíduos recicláveis descartados pelos órgãos e entidades da administração pública federal; e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2004-2006/2006/Decreto/D5940.htm. Acesso em 17.mar.2020.
BRASIL. Lei nº 12.305, de 02 de agosto de 2010. Institui a Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos; altera a Lei nº 9605, de 12 de fevereiro de 1998; e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2007-2010/2010/lei/l12305.htm. Acesso em 17.mar.2020.
FLAMINI, S.H. Programa de Coleta Seletiva Solidária em Universidade sob o olhar da Ciência, Tecnologia e Sociedade. 2021. Dissertação (Mestrado em Ciência, Tecnologia e Sociedade), Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos, 2021.
*Silvia Helena Flamini: Artisan, biologist and Master in Science, Technology and Society by the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar). Topics of interest: solid waste, environmental education, public policies, university extension.
**Maria Zanin: Electrical Engineer. Retired professor at the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar), currently senior professor at NUMI-Eco Sol/UFSCar (Integrated Multidisciplinary Center for Studies, Training and Intervention in Solidarity Economy) and at the Graduate Program in Science, Technology and Society at UFSCar.
***Liane Biehl Printes: Biologist at the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar), with a master’s and doctorate degree in the field of Ecology. It is assigned to the General Secretariat for Environmental Management and Sustainability (SGAS), heading the Department of Support for Environmental Education (DeAEA). She develops and coordinates Extension Activities aimed at University Environmentalization.
Silvia Helena Flamini, Maria Zanin and Liane Biehl Printes (2021) "Solidarity Selective Waste Collection in Brazil: field of epistemological and social interactions and contribution to a paradigmatic revolution". Brazilian Research and Studies Blog. ISSN 2701-4924. Vol. 2 Num. 2. available at: https://bras-center.com/solidarity-selective-waste-collection-in-brazil-field-of-epistemological-and-social-interactions-and-contribution-to-a-paradigmatic-revolution/, accessed on: February 22, 2025.
Brazil is losing the ‘war against Covid’ under the command of Captain Jair Bolsonaro
by Felipe Tirado, King’s College London.
Reviewed by Matheus Lucas Hebling
The Covid pandemic has often been described by the Brazilian government as a war. While Bolsonaro himself, a former captain in Brazil’s army, often argues that it is a biological war launched by China, high-ranking members of the executive and legislature tend to use the notion of a war, in a metaphorical sense.
More than 600,000 Brazilians have been killed in the “war against COVID-19” – more deaths than in all the wars Brazil has fought combined. If we restrict to deaths in the military, more servicemen and women have been killed by this enemy than during the country’s participation in the Second World War.
So, Brazil is losing this war – and this is mainly due to the “strategy of chaos” of the soldier leading the country and its generals, as previously discussed. Bolsonaro’s strategy had all the ingredients to create a calamity in Brazil. That is what is currently happening, also as previously reported. Two central aspects, however, have not been broadly covered by previous pieces on the matter: the role of the army in the tragedy and what lies ahead for Brazilians.
The role of the army
The army was central in electing Jair Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro was the candidate of the institution and directly expressed his gratitude to the former commander of the army, General Villas Bôas, for being “one of the responsible” for his election. Since 2014, Bolsonaro campaigned in the Brazilian Academy of Army Officers, with the approval of the High Command of the institution.
The institution is also central to his government. His vice-president, Hamilton Mourão, is a retired general and, before the resignation of the minister of health, General Eduardo Pazuello, during the pandemic, 11 of the 26 ministers were headed by active and retired members of the armed forces. Finally, almost 7,000 active and retired members of the armed forces work in positions with civilian functions in the federal executive.
During General Pazuello’s tenure, the government is reported to have received more than 100 emails from Pfizer offering to supply vaccines. None of them were answered. The Ministry also did not answer adequately when it could have intervened in a major sanitary crisis in the state of Amazonas, leading to deaths due to lack of oxygen in the region. Also, during that time, the military’s laboratories produced a surplus of chloroquine as a treatment for Covid. The institution’s hospitals denied beds to civilians. Its budget for fighting COVID was spent instead on military aircraft and secret missions. At the peak of the pandemic, under investigation, Pazuello left the Ministry.
Shortly after quitting as health minister, Pazuello took part in a political rally with Bolsonaro, violating the Military Criminal Code, as serving officers are not allowed to participate in party politics. Bolsonaro is reported to have pressured the High Command of the army not to bring charges against his former health minister. Pazuello is now the subject of an inquiry by both the Federal Police and a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPI) that is investigating the way the Federal Government has been handling the pandemic. The CPI is also investigating the current minister of health Marcelo Queiroga and other individuals, including various senior military officers.
After Pazuello’s resignation, the chief judge of the Superior Military Court, General Mattos, stated that the CPI disrespected Pazuello during his inquiring at the CPI. That was hardly the case, as Pazuello was treated as a witness and had the guarantee of his right to remain silent. The judge also stated that there were reasons not to punish Pazuello. Since he violated the Military Code, this also does not seem to be the case. The reasons not to punish Pazuello, however, will not be known so soon, as the army decreed 100 years of secrecy over the proceedings.
Afterward, the president of the CPI highlighted the action of “a few corrupt members of the military” during the pandemic. On that same day, the Minister of Defence and the three military commanders criticized the statement of the president of the Commission in a public letter. Senators interpreted the letter as an attempt to intimidate the Commission and its president. As many have noticed, the letter might suggest that the military is not only aware of its role in the crisis but intends to cover things up.
Both General Mattos and the letter of the Minister of Defence praised the role of the army during the pandemic. Assuming the fight against Covid is a war or not, there does not seem to be anything to be praised.
The road ahead
Months ago, an employee of the Ministry of Health reported suspicious transactions in the purchase of vaccines. Instead of inquiring into the acts, the Secretary-General of the Presidency called a press conference and threatened to investigate the whistleblower. Investigating and removing federal employees and retaliating for political reasons is not uncommon in this administration.
Now, along with the omissions of the Federal Government in the pandemic, there are allegations of corruption and reprisals. Therefore, it seems that Brazil will not overcome the pandemic and its unfoldings so soon.
In parallel, Bolsonaro has threatened the elections of 2022 on various occasions, attacked members of the Supreme Court and the parliament, and even threatened the democratic regime. On last 7 September, the day of Brazilian independence, Bolsonaro attempted to regain strength in a movement similar to the one in the US on 6 January but failed. After backlash from the opposition, the Supreme Court, and even supportive political parties, Bolsonaro released a statement stepping back, aiming at regaining the confidence of political parties and the financial elite.
Despite all acts, threats, and attacks of the president, an impeachment seems improbable under current circumstances. Two months ago, when asked about the possibility, the President of the Chamber of Deputies, Arthur Lira, who currently holds more than 137 requests of impeachment, stated that there were no “political circumstances” for such. The conniving posture of Lira, who also criticizes the CPI with the war metaphor, does not seem to have changed after 7 September.
In Brazil these days, there is a saying: “the major act of resistance to this government is staying alive.” This saying indeed seems to be true – war metaphor or not. It could be added to this saying “… until the election of 2022”. Probably, the most important election of the life of many Brazilians, and, hopefully, not their last.
Felipe Tirado is a PhD Candidate and a Visiting Lecturer in Law at King’s College London (KCL). He holds Masters in Law from KCL and UFMG (Brazil). Currently, Felipe is a researcher associated with the King’s Brazil Institute and the Center for Studies on Transitional Justice (UFMG), a Senior Editor of King’s Student Law Review, and a member of the Human Rights Commission of the Brazilian Bar Association in the state of Minas Gerais. Previously, he was a researcher at the Latin American Transitional Justice Network (RLAJT), worked as a consultant to the Truth Commission in Minas Gerais and at law firms in Brazil and the United Kingdom.
Felipe Tirado (2021) "Brazil is losing the ‘war against Covid’ under the command of Captain Jair Bolsonaro". Brazilian Research and Studies Blog. ISSN 2701-4924. Vol. 2 Num. 2. available at: https://bras-center.com/brazil-is-losing-the-war-against-covid-under-the-command-of-captain-jair-bolsonaro/, accessed on: February 22, 2025.
The “Blackout of the networks” and the exposure of dependencies
by Helena Vetorazo
Ph.D. Candidate in Social Sciences in Education at University of Campinas (UNICAMP)
Member of BRaS Research Group Social Media Studies
Cláudia Pires de Castro
Master in Journalism and Communication Sciences (Universität Wien), Master’s candidate in Political Science (Universität Wien), Head of BRaS Research Group Social Media Studies
Reviewed by Matheus Lucas Hebling
Brazilians’ love for social networks is not new. Since the times of Orkut, Brazil has been among the most assiduous on the networks, one of the first social networks in the early 2000s, counting 30 million Brazilian users. However, in 2001 Orkut lost its throne to Facebook, which soon built an empire by adding new territories to its domains, Instagram in 2012 and WhatsApp in 2014.
Mobile network operators realized that Brazilians make multiple uses of their smartphones and soon began to encourage the use of digital platforms by offering free access to data packages. This so-called free service means that Brazilians have a longer time using social networks than the world average. According to the Digital Report 2021, 79% of Brazilian users access Facebook at least once a day, being that 39% of this access it several times a day, and 14% stay connected to the platform full day. These data draw attention to the potential problems related to emotional dependence, the use of information collected from users, and the dissemination of fake news and trigger the red light for many researchers in the fields of social sciences, psychology, medicine, and other areas interested in analyzing the impacts of the use of social networks in different spheres of social life.
The global Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp outage on October 4th, called in Brazil the “blackout of the networks”, showed that the dependency on social networks extends to three spheres of life: the emotional, the physical, and the financial. The emotional dependence on likes, a theme that was highlighted in the first year of the pandemic, is a phenomenon that, according to clinical psychologist and Ph.D. in social psychology Ivete Labres, more often affects people with a certain psychological vulnerability, such as low self-esteem, the need for approval, insecurity. Social networks work as an escape route for these people, where the “likes” are received to fill the existential emptiness. Further very emblematic is that Zuckerberg’s networks breakdown happened just a few days after the Wall Street Journal revealed that Facebook Inc. has information that Instagram is harmful to the mental health of young people, especially women in their teenage years, precisely this phase when body transformations create insecurity and increase appearance-based comparisons.
The dependence of social networks in the physical sphere is also immensely relevant. We call the behavior of social network users in their relationship with their cell phones physical dependence. A study conducted by Hibou, a consulting company specialized in market monitoring and consumption, has brought out some relevant information about the relationship between Brazilians and their cell phones. Hibou identified in 2019 that 91% of Brazilians could not stay away from their cell phones for more than an hour; 66% of Brazilians said that if they wake up in the middle of the night, they usually always check their cell phones; 85% of Brazilians said it is through the cell phones that they most access social networks. The need to stay connected to social networks gives rise to a physical dependence that, according to medical research developed in Brazil and abroad, has been increasing the risks of obesity, diabetes, and also impairing the user’s sleep.
Lastly, there is financial dependence, a theme that has been little addressed until now, but it is an aspect that has intensified with the pandemic. Sebrae’s research, “The Impact of the Coronavirus Pandemic on Small Businesses” gives us an idea of the dimension of this problem: 70% of small Brazilian businesses sell online; within this total, communications happen 84% via WhatsApp, 54% via Instagram, and 51% via Facebook; in other words, communication happens mostly within Zuckerberg’s Kingdom. Businesses that used to operate in physical places have migrated to WhatsApp groups and become profiles on Instagram. These platforms, much more than places of support, are used as digital business counters. In the case of entrepreneurs who depends on social networks, the tension of keeping up with the numbers, analytics report and the repercussion of publications, added up to the fear of not being understood and being “Canceling” for having said or done something are threats that have gained another dimension: the risk of breakdown.
We have to agree with Carlos Affonso Souza, Director at Instituto de Tecnologia & Sociedade do Rio de Janeiro and Professor at Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), who states that Zuckerberg’s breakdown revealed how much the Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp combo had become a true “Cesta básica” (monthly supply of essential goods) of internet access in Brazil. We recognize that confusing internet with social networks is already practically an element embedded in the Brazilian’s culture, so to treat dependency it is necessary to find innovative, creative, interdisciplinary solutions so that collectively we can, on the one hand, think of alternatives in the technology market so that we do not continue to depend on just a few groups and, on the other hand, develop a robust media literacy plan.
References
ASN – Agência Sebrae de Notícias. (2021, January 12). Para enfrentar a crise, 70% das empresas de pequeno porte vendem por canais digitais. https://www.agenciasebrae.com.br/sites/asn/uf/NA/para-enfrentar-a-crise-70-das-empresas-de-pequeno-porte-vendem-por-canais-digitais,dd374499e82f6710VgnVCM1000004c00210aRCRD
Fujita, G. (2021, May 14). Me ajuda, qual plano de dados ilimitados escolho para navegar no celular? 31/03/2021 – UOL TILT. https://www.uol.com.br/tilt/noticias/redacao/2021/03/31/usa-internet-so-para-checar-redes-conheca-planos-com-dados-ilimitados.htm
G1 São Paulo. (2011, September 10). Facebook ultrapassa Orkut em usuários únicos no Brasil, diz Ibope. G1. http://g1.globo.com/tecnologia/noticia/2011/09/facebook-ultrapassa-orkut-em-usuarios-unicos-no-brasil-diz-ibope.html
Hibou Monitoramento de Mercado e Consumo. (2019, August 30). Brasileiros não conseguem ficar mais de uma hora longe do celular, diz pesquisa. http://www.lehibou.com.br/clipping/brasileiros-nao-conseguem-ficar-mais-de-uma-hora-longe-do-celular-diz-pesquisa/
Kemp, S. (2021, February 11). Digital in Brazil: All the Statistics You Need in 2021. DataReportal – Global Digital Insights. https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2021-brazil
Souza, C. A. P. D. (2021, October 4). Apagão do Facebook diz muito sobre nós. Estadão. https://link.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,apagao-do-facebook-diz-muito-sobre-nos,70003859595
Claudia Pires de Castro and Helena Vetorazo (2021) "The “Blackout of the networks” and the exposure of dependencies". Brazilian Research and Studies Blog. ISSN 2701-4924. Vol. 2 Num. 2. available at: https://bras-center.com/the-blackout-of-the-networks-and-the-exposure-of-dependencies/, accessed on: February 22, 2025.
BRaS Blog ISSN 2701-4924