The Brazilian emigration process is considered recent. It was only in the 1980 years that Brazil, recognized throughout its history as a country of immigration, with the arrival of foreigners contributing to the formation of its national identity (Ribeiro, 1995; Lesser, 2001), passed to be considered a country of emigration. […]

Cuba and Brazil are the two countries were the ones that received the biggest number of black enslaved Africans and the last nations to abolish slavery officially. As can be seen in the text, in Cuba and Brazil, the population of black enslaved persons was boosted by sugarcane plantations and sugar production.

Radical Right-Wing Populism (RWP) is a phenomenon that has been introduced previously in Latin America. In periods of economic crisis, the fight against inflation was another hallmark of right-wing populist appeals. Nevertheless, nativism, the core feature of RRP, was largely missing in earlier cases of RWP in Latin America. Nonetheless, Bolsonaro is as much a symptom of a broader trend as he is a consequence of recent Brazilian history.

Looking at Latin America, the criterion to define populism needs to be revised. Nativism and ethnopluralism seem out of place in a region where the concept of a homogenous nation-state never took hold and where mestizaje is a cultural ideal. This is not to say that nativism has to be dropped as a definitional criterion for the Latin American far-right. There are notable ideological overlaps with the European and North American New Right, for example, concerning immigration, which is a controversial issue in South America. There are also offenses against ethnic and cultural minorities, and nationalist rhetoric is pervasive.

Poverty inhabits different places and bodies, each one with different sociocultural, geographical, and historically variable dimensions and meanings. A process full of comings and goings, associated with the complex and profound transformations of the international scene, admitting different, if not divergent, interpretations and readings.

We collected daily tweets spanning from October 3rd to October 29th of 2022 (the day after the second turn elections in Brazil) for each one of the candidates running in the Brazilian second turn presidential elections. Tweets were collected from both candidates' timelines and Twitter users mentioning the candidates, totaling more than 69 million tweets, the largest volume of monthly data obtained since the beginning of our survey. We extracted the data through a Twitter API used exclusively for academic purposes and analyzed using R software.

by Matheus A. Botelho and Denise Cardozo

Reviewed by Matheus Lucas Hebling

In recent years, political scientists, public policy managers, and other bureaucrats at different levels dealt with incredibly contradictory processes in the formulation of public policies, especially in the federal government.

The government of Jair Messias Bolsonaro (2019-2022) reversed the logic of formulation and implementation of public […]

Taking office a few weeks ago, the new National Congress will dictate the course of Brazilian politics, economy, and society in the coming years. President Lula (PT) is very interested in maintaining a good relationship with deputies and senators, given the great challenges facing the country. It will not be an easy task, however.