Considering the idea that a constitution is a Political Charter, the need for recovering its political-normative sense is evident.
Constitutional restrictions, violations, and misinterpretations – the reelection amendment, electoral threshold designated as the reserve of possible and the subsequent ones resulting in 2020 – are interpreted herein as constitutional misinterpretations and misaligned with the scope and principle of constitutional unity; see the principle of non-regression (social) and human dignity guarantee.
Those constitutional violations can be a coup against the constitution (Bonavides 2009) or a constitutional transmutation. Constitutional core fights to be a Political Charter, i.e., not suspending political rights to include legitimated individuals and collectives in mechanisms of constitutional review, because “for assuring the Constitution’s supremacy, one must sieve through and control legal acts in order to identify the invalid ones – for colliding with the Constitution” (Ferreira Filho 2009, 21).
The research is justified by the CF88 affirmation and reveals institutional crimes committed “on its behalf”. The simplest method of demonstration and evaluation has proven to be efficient: excerpts from articles of the CF88, reaffirming its connotation as a Political Charter, followed by a summary of the social and political reality, especially after 2016.
With this comparison between a Constitutional Nomology (major premise) and a social synthesis, one can see that it is not a constitutional issue, but rather of public authority tending to – under a national Fascism (Necrofascism) — destroy guarantees, rights, and liberties enforced by the CF88.
If the Executive’s excess of competencies may be criticized – in reference to the Kaiserpresident (Weber 1985) –, we need to examine some points: 1) the CF88 largely attributed autonomy and competence to the Legislative and Judiciary Branches; 2) undoubtedly, to reduce the executive powers, we would have to stabilize more autonomy among the political entities; 3) What would have happened to the country if by 2020 we had a deeper and greater rooting of Caudillismo and the so-called “local authorities”?; 4) any proposal for a constitutional amendment, suggested in the midst and carrying the 2016-2021 National Fascism, has no public interest at its core.
The objectives are the following:
Discuss intangible heritage – culture, biodiversity of all ecosystems nationwide, and social and political plurality –, as diffuse rights threatened by the failure to protect the CF88.
- Look into the contributions of the CF88 and its alignment with social control, in the decision-making processes involving environmental defense and protection.
- Debate aspect of the agribusiness and family farming, advances and setbacks in land reform and concentration.
- Verify if, today, the indigenous people’s rights are respected as required by the CF88
- Present the idea of the Political Charter.
[At least 1 meeting every 2 months]
The research group’s strategy is based on the contrast between legal and political aspects involving the CF88. We will seek the construction of ideas and analysis, oriented by conceptual and scientific literature review as well as the observation of post-2016 social, cultural, and political phenomena.
Keywords: Political Charter. Public Participation. Disruptive Power.
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Borja, Rodrigo. 1998. Enciclopedia de la Politica. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica.
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