blog2021-01-11T20:56:07+01:00

Brazilian’s presidential candidates on Twitter – April Report

by Alessandra Maia Terra de Faria, Carlos Trucíos, and Marcelo Castañeda de Araujo*

Reviewed by Matheus Lucas Hebling

Introduction

This short analysis aims to contribute to interpretations of the movement on Twitter of possible candidates in the 2022 elections, as well as about what is said about them in the interactions of users of the platform in the month of April. This is ongoing research work and will be refined over the months leading up to the 2022 election.

Methodology

Daily tweets spanning from April 1 to April 30 were collected for each one of the three main candidates in the Brazilian presidential election. Tweets were collected from both candidates’ timelines and Twitter
The authors thank Twitter for the academic accounts granted to them.
users mentioning the candidates, totaling more than 11 million tweets. Data were extracted through a Twitter API used exclusively for academic purposes and analyzed using R software. Tweets mentioning the respective candidates were collected independently using the words “Bolsonaro”, “Ciro” and “Lula” as search criteria.

Results

General context
It is worth noting the disparity between the number of candidates’ Twitter followers during the analysis period (April 2022).

Bolsonaro – 7.8 million
Lula – 3.4 million
Ciro – 1.3 million

Candidates’ tweets

In Image1, we report the number of tweets on the candidates’ timeline, among the three that were part of our survey: Ciro, Lula, and Bolsonaro, according to the frequency with which the candidates tweeted in April.

Image 1

Images 2 and 3 present the most frequent words in the candidates’ timeline tweets and the most frequent words in the candidates’ timeline tweets weighted by the inverse document frequency (TF-IDF), respectively.

Image 2: Most frequently used words in the candidates’ timeline.

Image 3 TF-IDF by candidates’ timeline

 

The analysis of the most frequent words in the candidates’ timeline tweets in Image 2 reveals a dominant overview of the subjects they deal with. While Bolsonaro’s profile highlights the government’s achievements, especially spending/investments in Brazilian Reais (identified by the term “r” in the plot) expressed in terms of millions and billions; Lula’s profile highlights the people and brings a positive key, with the term “good” [“bom”]. Ciro’s profile, on the other hand, is concerned with mentioning the other two candidates by name.

In Image  3, the TF-IDF (term frequency-inverse document frequency) reflects the frequency of words in candidate timeline tweets that are infrequent for the three candidates overall. Thereby:

Lula’s profile stands out for its proposals, through the emphasis given to verbs such as “make, restore, highlight the use of reconstruction” [“fazer, recuperar, reconstruir”].

Bolsonaro’s profile features the word “Telegram” and the mention of “billions, actions and public investments” [“ações, bilhões e títulos”], as well as the emphasis on “reduction” [“redução”], highlighting his government actions between 2019 and 2021 (hence the terms 2019 and 2021 also in the plot).

In Ciro’s profile, emphasis is given to Ceará and Lula. (Ceará is a State in Northeast Brazil)

It is worth mentioning that the three profiles speak of the candidates themselves. That is, Lula and Ciro to their names directly, and Bolsonaro through references to “Jair” and “pr” (“president”).
Still as a final remark, the words “ONU (UN in Portuguese), Zanin and Cristiano” appear in the mentions of Lula’s profile, associated with the decision of the UN Human Rights Committee on his sentence in Lava Jato. It is also important to mention that the word “et” in Lula’s profile refers to tweets on the candidate’s timeline that are posted in French manifesting his support for Emmanuel Macron in the French presidential elections. Finally, the high frequency observed in the term “7:30 pm” [“19h30”] in the candidate Ciro Gomes’ timeline, refers to “Ciro Games: A live do Cirão” that takes place on Tuesdays on several streaming channels.

Tweets about the candidates

The total number of tweets mentioning each candidate is displayed in Image 4 and the daily evolution in Image 5.

Image 4: Number of tweets mentioning the candidates.

Image 5: Daily evolution of tweets mentioning the candidates.

Word clouds

Finally, we present below three-word clouds with, excluding stop words, the top 100 words used in the interactions of Twitter users in April. For better visualization, each candidate’s name was taken from its cloud.

Image 6: Wordcloud for Bolsonaro

Bolsonaro: in the foreground, the words “president”, “Brazil”, “Lula” and “government” [“presidente”, “Brasil”, “Lula” e “governo”]; in the background, “pardon” [“indulto”], “Daniel” and “Silveira”, which are associated with “Supreme Court” [STF], “people” [povo], and the word “against” [“contra”]; third it comes “motociata” [motorcycle parade], “corruption” [corrupção], “vote” [“voto”] and “PT” [Worker’s Party]. It can be noted that, among the candidates investigated, Bolsonaro’s cloud is more dispersed and has fewer nouns.

Image 7: Wordcloud for Lula

Lula: in the foreground, and in equal equivalence appear “president”, “Alckmin”, “Brazil” and “PT”; in the background “Moro”, “about” and “against”; in the third plane, “now”, “says”, “Ciro”, “people”, “UN”, “thief”
“A good thief is a dead thief” is a Brazilian saying repeated as propaganda hit in Bolsonaro’s Campaign of 2018.
[“ladrão”] and “vote”. “Alckmin” and “Moro” are the last names of the vice-president candidate of Lula and the former judge responsible for the Lava Jato and also an almost presidential candidate. It can be highlighted that the Lula cloud has a higher density in the observed frequency of words, whether verbs, nouns, or adjectives when compared to the others.

Image  8: Wordcloud for Ciro

Ciro: in the foreground, in isolation, the references to “Lula” and “Bolsonaro” stand out; in the background, “Nogueira”, “Brasil”, “turn” and “president”; in the third plan “agrishow”, “now”, “vote”, vote”, “PT”, “Doria”, “government”, “against” and “say”.

Sentiment analysis

The sentiment of each tweet was constructed by identifying the sentiments of the basic units (the words) using the Oplexicon v3.0 and Sentilex dictionaries, from the LexiconPT Package. Thus, each word found in the dictionaries receives 1, -1, or 0 scores, depending on whether the feeling is positive, negative, or neutral, respectively. Words not found in the dictionaries also receive a 0 score. The values ​​assigned to each word within the tweet were added up, and depending on the result positive, negative, or zero, the sentiment of the tweet is classified.

Image 9: Wordcloud S for Bolsonaro

Tweets related to candidate Bolsonaro that were classified as associated with positive feelings are characterized by words such as Brazil, liberty, reelected, supreme, democracy” [Brasil, Liberdade, reeleito, supremo, democracia] among others. Tweets classified as associated with negative feelings are characterized by words such as corruption, corrupt, blame, vote, thief, government, torture, shame, horrible, liar, [ corrupção, corrupto, culpa, votar, bandido, governo, tortura, vergonha, horrível, mentiroso]. Finally, tweets considered neutral are characterized by words such as president, pardon, squid, and motorcycle parade [presidente, perdão, Lula, motociata].

Image 10: Wordcloud S for Lula

Tweets related to candidate Lula that were classified as associated with positive feelings are characterized by words such as good, truth, world, you know, see, UN, free, innocent, democracy, human, companions, rights, better, new [bom, Verdade, Mundo, sabe, ver, ONU, livre, Inocente, Democracia, Humanos, companheiros, direitos, Melhor, novo].
On the other hand, tweets that were classified as associated with negative feelings are characterized by words such as voting, corruption, prisoners, condemned, bandit [ votar, corrupção, presidiário, condenado, prisão, bandido]. Finally, the latest neutral sentiment tweets are characterized by words like Bolsonaro, Alckmin, socialist, international, Christian, lawyers [Bolsonaro, Alckmin, socialista, internacional, cristão, advogados].

Image 11: Wordcloud S for Ciro

Tweets related to candidate Ciro that were classified as associated with positive feelings are characterized by words such as summons, approved, all, pf, see [convocação, aprovados, todos, pf, ver ], etc. Tweets classified as negative are characterized by words such as Bolsonaro, voting, think, corruption, cursed, ignored, big gang/gangster, agrishow, booed [Bolsonaro, votar, pensa, corrupção, xingado, ignorado, quadrilhão, agrishow, vaiado], etc. Finally, tweets with neutral sentiment are characterized by words such as Lula, contra, pl, 21, never, event [ Lula, contra, pl, 21, Nunca, evento].

 

Alessandra Maia Terra de Faria, PhD in Social Sciences, is a Professor of Political Science, Social Sciences Department at PUC-RIO / PPGCS – UFRRJ. E-mail: alessandramtf@puc-rio.br

Carlos Trucíos, PhD in Statistics, is a Professor of Quantitative Methods at Department of Business/UFRJ.

Marcelo Castañeda de Araujo, PhD in Social Sciences, is a  Professor of Organizational Studies at Department of Business/UFRJ.

Alessandra Maia Terra de Faria, Carlos Trucíos and Marcelo Castañeda de Araujo (2022) "Brazilian’s presidential candidates on Twitter – April Report". Brazilian Research and Studies Blog. ISSN 2701-4924. UncategorizednameVol. 3 Num. 1. available at: https://bras-center.com/brazilians-presidential-candidates-on-twitter-april-report/, accessed on: June 27, 2022.

Revisiting Nara Leão and Itamar Assumpção, the rediscovering of Brazilian female and black musicians

by Renato Gonçalves Ferreira Filho*

Reviewed by Matheus Lucas Hebling

 

 

In the last decade, a movement of rediscovering musicians has taken place in Brazil. Documentaries, books, museums, plays, and other cultural products have brought out relevant names that were forgotten by those who officially tell the history of Brazilian popular music. Even though these artists had contributed to the construction of the refined shape and the profound meanings of popular music, they did not receive proper recognition in life. They were always there, but not always seen. What do they have in common? Being a female or a black artist stresses some structures of exclusion and oblivion based on gender and race related to the construction of history.
At the beginning of 2022, the documentary O canto livre de Nara Leão and the book Nara – Livro do disco revisited Nara Leão (1942-1989), a female Brazilian singer and arranger whose career started in the decade 1960, looking towards her relevance to popular music. For the first time in history, she was read as a serious and remarkable musician. Both initiatives go beyond the slogan “muse of bossa nova” that limited her to the image of a beautiful woman that supposedly inspired the men who invented this musical movement. Remembering Simone de Beauvoir, this idea of muses historically has been used as a male strategy of dominance. She was more than this stereotype: she had an outstanding contribution to the foundation of bossa nova. Her authentic way of singing, with a cool accent and a soft vocal emission, summed up her virtuous guitar and established some of the highest patterns for the interpretation of this gender.
As exposed in the documentary and the book, furthermore, the visionary repertoire selected by Nara, in at least more three opportunities, launched new perspectives that were later followed by other generations. As a singer linked to what was understood as an intellectualized and sophisticated popular music, respectively, in the decades of 1960, 1970, and 1980, she was a pioneer in interpreting sambas of protest written by peripherical artists, rearranging romantic songs by Roberto Carlos and Erasmo Carlos, and putting in evidence songwriters from the Brazilian northeast. Those movements were remarkable because they reframed the standards of popular music in their time.
From another cultural context, Itamar Assumpção (1949-2003), a black singer, songwriter, and arranger, initially related to the movement of Vanguarda Paulista, has been rediscovered in the last ten years by the hands of his daughter, the singer and composer Anelis Assumpção, who pursued the mission of taking care of her father’s artistic legacy. Since his death, initiatives such as launching a songbook containing all his compositions, a book with his manuscripts and notes, and a box with all his albums have occurred, but new layers of understanding were added to his work by the opera Pretoperitamar and the multi-platform museum MU.ITA (Museu Itamar Assumpção), both dedicated to his trajectory.
In life, Itamar was recognized for his unique artistic personality, which mixed up a theatrical performance and a creative way of composing in the decades of 1980 and 1990. However, his discourse about the episodes of everyday racism, for example, synthesized by the name of one of his bands, “isca de polícia” (“bait for police”, in literal translation), and his Afrofuturism attitude toward searching for new possibilities towards the creation of an Afro-Brazilian identity, as resumed in the song “Batuque”, are recent interpretations. While the opera exposes Itamar’s cultural roots, the museum draws parallels between his work and the racial themes that surrounded him throughout his career. Why haven’t we seen those points before if they had been there since the beginning?
Cultural objects are always dated to their time and so it is our reading. When Nara Leão was alive, was it possible to read her work as a feminist? Maybe we would not be capable to catch all the details that made her so revolutionary at her time. In the decade 1980, who was listening to those who were talking about racism and would identify this claim in Itamar Assumpção’s works? Outside the first local black movements, this topic did not reach the Brazilian society, historically racist and resistant to profound social changes, as once Lélia Gonzalez said. Due to the contemporary advance in gender and race discussions, now we can recapture what was missed out all these years.
More than just highlighting names and their magnitude in Brazilian culture, revisiting them gains political bounds. When there is recognition, there is reparation, even more, when we are talking about artists that were excluded by their gender or race. Fortunately, some could receive recognition and reparation in life, as Elza Soares (1937–2022) could. After decades of ostracism, the Brazilian black singer who once was considered the “voice of the millennium” by the BBC could be reverenced by new generations who saw on her the strength of her existence in a sexist and racist society. Until her death, she launched albums and received a lot of admiration.
How many other remarkable and pioneer artists have our Brazilian official history forgotten? Possibly, so many others. If it had not excluded them, at least maybe we have not listened to them properly. We had talked about gender and race, but other social marks of difference, such as sexual identity and bodies that do not correspond to the standards of beauty, have also influenced silencing in popular music. Tuca (1944-1978), for instance, was a singer, songwriter, and arranger, who produced a striking Françoise Hardy album (La question, 1971), and launched one of the first Brazilian albums to bring a homoerotic discourse (Drácula, I love you, 1974) – which was censored by the military dictatorship. Despite this unique trajectory that later would inspire other lesbian female singers, we know so little about her until nowadays.
Layers and layers of history are now being revisited. For that, an up-to-date posture of constantly reviewing and rewriting the homogenous narratives is primordial as we could observe in the cases of Nara Leão and Itamar Assumpção. There is always more than just one way of telling and interpreting popular music’s history. Why do all the most remembered names in this field are usually from white men? The question continues: what have we missed out on?

References
Assumpção, Itamar (2006). PretoBrás – por que que eu não pensei nisso antes? Songbook. São Paulo: Ediouro.
Assumpção, Itamar (2014). Cadernos Inéditos. São Paulo: Itaú Cultural.
Beauvoir, Simone (2016). O segundo sexo. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira.
Gonzalez, Lélia (2020). Por um feminismo afro-latino-americano. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar.
Hardy, Françoise (1971). La question. Paris: Sonopresse.
Sukman, Hugo (2022). Nara Leão – Nara 1964. Rio de Janeiro: Cobogó.
Terra, Renato (2022). O canto livre de Nara Leão. Rio de Janeiro: Globoplay.
Tuca (1974). Drácula, I love you. Rio de Janeiro: Som Livre.

Renato Gonçalves Ferreira Filho is a doctor of Communication and a master of Philosophy by the University of São Paulo. Currently, he develops a postdoctoral research in the Institute of Brazilian Studies at the same university. His fields of interest are popular music, culture, history, communication, gender studies and psychoanalysis. He is the author of the books “Marina Lima – Fullgás – O livro do disco” (2022), “Eros pornografado – homoerotismo masculino e pornografia amadora” (2022), “Questões LGBT e música brasileira ontem e hoje” (2020), and “Nós duas: as representações LGBT na canção brasileira” (2016). He is also profesor at ESPM-SP. E-mail: r.goncalves.f@gmail.com

Renato Gonçalves Ferreira Filho (2022) "Revisiting Nara Leão and Itamar Assumpção, the rediscovering of Brazilian female and black musicians". Brazilian Research and Studies Blog. ISSN 2701-4924. Vol. 3 Num. 1. available at: https://bras-center.com/revisiting-nara-leao-and-itamar-assumpcao-the-rediscovering-of-brazilian-female-and-black-musicians/, accessed on: June 27, 2022.

May 30th, 2022|Categories: Vol. 3 Num. 1|Tags: |

Higher Education Public Policy: A Comparison between Mozambique and Brazil

by Eusebio dos Santos Gervasio and Manoelly dos Santos Cerqueira

Edited and Translated by Matheus Lucas Hebling

Editor’s Note: This is an edited version of the text. For the full version in Portuguese, please reach the authors.

Education and the formation of what is understood as formal education was constituted during the period of colonization in Brazil and Mozambique. but it was only a strategy to make indigenous people assimilate the last of the colonizers. education was essential to build the model of standard society that was needed at that time, in which mentalities were dominated and society was built in America and Africa. in the Brazilian context, Universities were created that were discussed after the dovecote reform to create a university elite that would study law, philosophy, and medicine and higher education became a place to feed abstract reflections of knowledge, of the life provided by the bourgeoisie that the elite I found it fascinating, sometimes because of the activities that met the demands of the elites, such as the defense of rights when building the nation that d. peter will become emperor. Faced with the challenges of education in Mozambique, the colonizing culture was also introduced to public universities. With the great revolutions and the 1988 constitution, education in Brazil was a guarantee for all people, and public policies were implemented so that black and poor people could have access, but this was in the governments after the constitution, because the university was a place for elites and it was a complex process to insert the student who leaves the public school for the university that was years ago a white and privileged environment. The questions about education that were discussed as something political have already become a university experience because educating is a political act. the universities came after a long process of democratization and efforts of social equality by the governments that inserted the underprivileged classes in the universities and colleges of the country.

Higher education in Mozambique and Brazil

The emergence of higher education in Mozambique is demarcated in 1962, when by decree n. 44,530, of 21 August, the General University Studies of Mozambique – Egum – were created in response to criticism from nationalist movements in the Portuguese colonies (Mozambique, 2014, p. 4). Through decree-law no. 43,779, of December 1968, the University of Lourenço Marques – ULM – was created, and later with the National Independence, the ULM was transformed into Eduardo Mondlane University – UEM -, with a student population at that time of 2,400 students distributed in different courses. It was supposed that the Egum was intended for a black elite to continue to administer the colonial system in Africa, but that did not happen, because this institution did not absorb the black elite, in such a way that with the fall of the colonial regime in the middle of the 1970s, it was not found in universities, but in the woods fighting colonialism or in exile (Rosário, 2013). Throughout the period that preceded national independence, higher education maintained a discriminatory and excluding access, because, contrary to what dictated its emergence, it was mainly intended for the children of settlers (Mechisso, 2017, p. 9). After the Proclamation of National Independence, a socialist state was installed and reforms were carried out to guarantee access to higher education for all. The first decade of independence (1975-1985) was marked by a single university created during the colonial period, a process that was reversed only in 1985 and 1986 when two HEIs were created. We refer to the Instituto Superior Pedagógico, which in 1995 became the Pedagogical University, today the Pedagogical University of Maputo, and the Higher Institute of International Relations, today the Joaquim Chissano University (Silva, 2018; Mechisso, 2017; Noa, 2011).
The expansion of access to higher education and the challenges imposed on its quality Data on higher education in Mozambique, expressed in the 2012 statistical yearbook, indicate that “higher education has increased rapidly from around 12,000 students in 2000 to more than 101 thousand in 2010. This numerical growth poses challenges to the quality of teaching and the functioning of educational institutions at different levels” (Mozambique, 2012b, p. 2). It is important to highlight that it is impossible to have a precise definition of what quality is, because as stated by Sguissardi (2006) “quality is those polysemic or chameleonic terms that mimic meanings and colors of the context that produces them or that conditions its existence” (p. 71). However, it is worth noting, from the perspective of the same author, that “the current trend is to associate it with evaluation and/or accreditation, which necessarily involves the State, that is, the so-called Evaluating State. But it is also ostensibly associated with competitiveness and employability” (Sguissardi, 2006, p. 70). It should be noted that quality assessment in Mozambique has been, above all, quantitative and less qualitative, as HEIs contribute little to solving social problems or to discovery and innovation. Given this situation, Terenciano and Natha (2016) clarify that “the excessive use of quantitative information as a basis for evaluating higher education, in addition to pressuring individuals to achieve certain quantitative indicators, is not capable of guaranteeing that quality is evaluated”. ” (p. 81). Therefore, the combination of quantitative and qualitative indicators is essential when assessing the quality of education. However, the quality of education, in the understanding of Dourado, Oliveira, and Santos (2007).
The University emerged in Brazil at the beginning of the 19th century, as a result of the
formation of elites who sought education mainly in European institutions during the period from 1500 to 1800 and who returned to the country with their qualifications. They arise in troubled moments and are the result of the gathering of isolated institutes or specific faculties, a fact that gave them a very fragmented and fragile characteristic. Brazilian universities have enormous historical differences when compared to institutions in other Latin American countries. They are much younger than higher education institutions in other Latin American countries. They result from market demand that signals the need to train professionals with qualifications fundamentally in areas of engineering, medicine, and law. Initially, they were located in the most economically important metropolises for Brazil at the time. The first Brazilian university, Universidade do Rio de Janeiro, was founded in 1920, in Rio de Janeiro, and set the course for higher education in Brazil, signaling the establishment of a new era.
Higher education in Brazil cannot be discussed without taking into account the scenario and context in which it arises, that is, one must bear in mind the time and space in which it is inserted, analyzing it from the moment of its emergence. to the current reality of education, both in the local, regional and global panorama. Brazil is located in Latin America, a continent seen by many as suffering from extreme poverty. It is, without a doubt, a continent of many inequalities, both in the social sphere and in the territorial sphere. According to the results of the World Bank study, Latin America is the continent with the highest number of unequal indices in several aspects, including, among them: income distribution, expenditure on consumer goods, and services, access to health, and, above all, access to education. Even so, the university in Latin America, since its inception, has assumed a role much greater than its formative responsibility. It brings to itself the decision to form citizens committed to social commitment, to the struggle to reduce inequalities, to create opportunities for all, to commit to economic and social development, and to build and maintain cultural identities. The great challenge for Latin American countries is to offer learning, research, and work opportunities to their individuals, in an equitable and balanced way, to ensure advanced knowledge that will provide opportunities
for the development of their economies, since these same countries are becoming protagonists of the global market. Latin American countries have taken important steps toward creating more and more opportunities to train their citizens and increase their reserves of intellectual capital and highly qualified professionals, in addition to giving them access to the labor market to generate income and improve living conditions. Enrollments for access to Higher Education have practically doubled in the last decades and continue to expand, as well as the increase in the diversification of opportunities to enter different areas of knowledge in the Higher Education system. Even so, all these efforts are still insufficient to meet the demand of individuals able to take advantage of opportunities for higher education and to meet the needs of placing professionals in the job market, making it not yet a reality in Latin America. . There are still few higher education institutions and the existing ones face a variety of problems, especially about quality, regional inequalities and the imbalance in the number of qualified professionals in specific areas that are out of step with the demands of the labor market. . This scenario refers to the constant need for permanent observatories that accompany the evolution of civilizations, their new contours, their new requirements, their needs, that make adequate readings of how, through education, one can solve the problems that unbalance social well-being. of the populations

Conclusion

Although there has been an accelerated growth of HEIs and the number of students in recent years, the quality of these institutions continues to be debated. Although access and expansion have improved in recent years, it remains evident that, in Mozambique, higher education is not accessible to the majority of students who finish secondary education for several reasons: the first is the very limited absorption capacity of candidates for this level of education, and the second is the charging of fees that make attending higher education less accessible to most low-income families. In this text, it was not accompanied by the construction of student assistance infrastructure, as is the case of student homes and university restaurants, which could provide support for students displaced from their housing areas. Although there has been an accelerated growth of HEIs and the number of students in recent years, the quality of these institutions continues to be debated. As much as access and expansion have improved in recent years, it remains evident that, in Mozambique, higher education is not accessible to the majority of students who complete secondary education for several reasons: the first is the very limited ability to absorption of candidates for this level of education, and the second is the charging of fees that make attending higher education less accessible to most lower-income families. Public HEIs are increasingly concerned about the privatized interest of the vacancies they offer, which cements the exclusionary trend. Furthermore, despite this expansion, we noticed that in terms of the geographical distribution of the courses offered by the HEIs, Maputo, Beira, and Nampula are the cities that offer the greatest diversity of training offers, preventing possibilities of choice for those who are outside these. Financing has to be perceived as a key element for quality improvement. Funding is not only to respond to infrastructure issues but also aimed at the three pillars of higher education. There is a tendency for the State to refuse to provide higher education when it assumes that the diversification of funding sources must have the participation of families when most families are not able to pay. This becomes an exclusion criterion for most Mozambicans. Provincial scholarship programs were implemented, which may have been a failure, as throughout their implementation periods they ended up not absorbing individuals from rural regions. The entities receiving the documents for the competition are in the provincial capitals and the dissemination system made access to information difficult. The Mozambique Scholarship Institute website was recently opened, which can help more Mozambicans outside Maputo and provincial capitals to have the opportunity to participate in the scholarship application process. We understand, on the other hand, that what could contribute to the quality of Mozambican higher education, subject to institutional circumstances, are the new requirements and terms of qualification and work regime of teachers, which would require them to dedicate themselves to the performance academic activities in the educational institution where they are linked. This necessarily involves the Mozambican State training more teachers and improving salary and working conditions.

References

Lima. C. “administração escolar em portugal: da revolução, da reforma e das decisões políticas pós-reformistas”. in: catani, a. m. & oliveira, r. p. reformas educacionais em portugal e no brasil. belo horizonte: autêntica. 2000

MAMA, A. (2010). Será ético estudar a África? Considerações preliminares sobre pesquisa acadêmica e liberdade. In: SOUZA SANTOS, B.; MENESES, M. P. Epistemologias do sul. São Paulo: Cortez

MECHISSO, Guedes Basílio. Políticas de assistência estudantil no ensino superior em Moçambique: passado, presente e desafios. Porto Alegre: Ufrgs, 2017. 156f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação). Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul

NOA. F. (2011). Ensino superior em Moçambique– políticas, formação de quadros  e construção da cidadania. COOPEDUI.4.2

SILVA, P. C. P. D. Políticas de Equidad: o sistema de cotas: uma política pública no ensino superior. In: CONGRESSO IBEROAMERICANO DE EDUCACIÓN. Anais […]. Buenos Aires, 2018.

SEGRERA, Francisco López. Educación superior comparada: tendencias mundiales y de América Latina y Caribe. Avaliação, Campinas; Sorocaba, v. 21, n. 1, p. 13-32, mar. 2016

SGUISSARDI, W. Reforma universitária no Brasil -1995-2006: precária trajetória e incerto futuro. Educação e Sociedade, Campinas, v. 27, n. 96, p. 1021-1056. Especial, out. 2006

ROSÁRIO. Lourenço Joaquim da Costa. Universidades moçambicanas e o futuro de Moçambique. Revista Ensino Superior nº 10 (julho-setembro). 2013. Disponível em: <https://www.revistaensinosuperior.gr.unicamp.br/artigos/universidades-mocambicanas-e-o futuro-de-mocambique>. Acesso em: 22 jun. 2015.

TERENCIANO, Fidel (2016) Competição Politica e Geográfica Eleitoral em Moçambique (1994-2014). 2016a.Embora Santos (2005)

Eusebio dos Santos Gervasio and Manoelly dos Santos Cerqueira is a  Master in Public and Municipal Management from UBS-Mozambique and  Postgraduate in Public and Municipal Management E-mail: eusebiokwatcha@gmail.com
Manoelly dos Santos Cerqueira is a  Post-graduate in Neuropsychopedagogy by INTERVE and a Master’s Student in Psychological Intervention in Development and Education at FUNNIBER. E-mail: manoellycequeira@aluno.ufrb.edu.br

Eusebio dos Santos Gervásio (2022) "Higher Education Public Policy: A Comparison between Mozambique and Brazil". Brazilian Research and Studies Blog. ISSN 2701-4924. Vol. 3 Num. 1. available at: https://bras-center.com/higher-education-public-policy-a-comparison-between-mozambique-and-brazil/, accessed on: June 27, 2022.

May 23rd, 2022|Categories: Vol. 3 Num. 1|Tags: |

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This Sliding Bar can be switched on or off in theme options, and can take any widget you throw at it or even fill it with your custom HTML Code. Its perfect for grabbing the attention of your viewers. Choose between 1, 2, 3 or 4 columns, set the background color, widget divider color, activate transparency, a top border or fully disable it on desktop and mobile.

This Is A Custom Widget

This Sliding Bar can be switched on or off in theme options, and can take any widget you throw at it or even fill it with your custom HTML Code. Its perfect for grabbing the attention of your viewers. Choose between 1, 2, 3 or 4 columns, set the background color, widget divider color, activate transparency, a top border or fully disable it on desktop and mobile.
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